Wednesday, October 31, 2007

BOARD OF AIRPORT COMMISSIONERS OF THE CITY OF LOS ANGELES v. JEWS FOR JESUS, INC.


SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES 482 U.S. 569 June 15, 1987, Decided
JUSTICE O'CONNOR delivered the opinion of the Court.
The issue presented in this case is whether a resolution banning all "First Amendment activities" at Los Angeles International Airport (LAX) violates the First Amendment.
On July 13, 1983, the Board of Airport Commissioners (Board) adopted Resolution No. 13787, which provides in pertinent part: "NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED by the Board of Airport Commissioners that the Central Terminal Area at Los Angeles International Airport is not open for First Amendment activities by any individual and/or entity;....
Respondent Jews for Jesus, Inc., is a nonprofit religious corporation. On July 6, 1984, Alan Howard Snyder, a minister of the Gospel for Jews for Jesus, was stopped by a Department of Airports peace officer while distributing free religious literature on a pedestrian walkway in the Central Terminal Area at LAX. The officer showed Snyder a copy of the resolution, explained that Snyder's activities violated the resolution, and requested that Snyder leave LAX. The officer warned Snyder that the city would take legal action against him if he refused to leave as requested. Snyder stopped distributing the leaflets and left the airport terminal.
Jews for Jesus and Snyder then filed this action challenging the constitutionality of the resolution under both the California and Federal Constitutions....
In balancing the government's interest in limiting the use of its property against the interests of those who wish to use the property for expressive activity, the Court has identified three types of fora: the traditional public forum, the public forum created by government designation, and the nonpublic forum. The proper First Amendment analysis differs depending on whether the area in question falls in one category rather than another. In a traditional public forum or a public forum by government designation, we have held that First Amendment protections are subject to heightened scrutiny. In these quintessential public forums, the government may not prohibit all communicative activity. For the State to enforce a content-based exclusion it must show that its regulation is necessary to serve a compelling state interest and that it is narrowly drawn to achieve that end. . . . The State may also enforce regulations of the time, place, and manner of expression which are content-neutral, are narrowly tailored to serve a significant government interest, and leave open ample alternative channels of communication.
We have further held, however, that access to a nonpublic forum may be restricted by government regulation as long as the regulation "is reasonable and not an effort to suppress expression merely because officials oppose the speaker's view."
The petitioners contend that LAX is neither a traditional public forum nor a public forum by government designation, and accordingly argue that the latter standard governing access to a nonpublic forum is appropriate. The respondents, in turn, argue that LAX is a public forum subject only to reasonable time, place, or manner restrictions. Because we conclude that the resolution is facially unconstitutional under the the First Amendment overbreadth doctrine regardless of the proper standard, we need not decide whether LAX is indeed a public forum.
Under the First Amendment overbreadth doctrine, an individual whose own speech or conduct may be prohibited is permitted to challenge a statute on its face "because it also threatens others not before the court -- those who desire to engage in legally protected expression but who may refrain from doing so rather than risk prosecution or undertake to have the law declared partially invalid." A statute may be invalidated on its face, however, only if the overbreadth is "substantial." The requirement that the overbreadth be substantial arose from our recognition that application of the overbreadth doctrine is, "manifestly, strong medicine," nd that "there must be a realistic danger that the statute itself will significantly compromise recognized First Amendment protections of parties not before the Court for it to be facially challenged on overbreadth grounds."
On its face, the resolution at issue in this case reaches the universe of expressive activity, and, by prohibiting all protected expression, purports to create a virtual "First Amendment Free Zone" at LAX. The resolution does not merely regulate expressive activity in the Central Terminal Area that might create problems such as congestion or the disruption of the activities of those who use LAX. Instead, the resolution expansively states that LAX "is not open for First Amendment activities by any individual and/or entity," and that "any individual and/or entity [who] seeks to engage in First Amendment activities within the Central Terminal Area . . . shall be deemed to be acting in contravention of the stated policy of the Board of Airport Commissioners." The resolution therefore does not merely reach the activity of respondents at LAX; it prohibits even talking and reading, or the wearing of campaign buttons or symbolic clothing. Under such a sweeping ban, virtually every individual who enters LAX may be found to violate the resolution by engaging in some "First Amendment activit[y]." We think it obvious that such a ban cannot be justified even if LAX were a nonpublic forum because no conceivable governmental interest would justify such an absolute prohibition of speech.
Additionally, we find no apparent saving construction of the resolution. The resolution expressly applies to all "First Amendment activities," and the words of the resolution simply leave no room for a narrowing construction....
The petitioners suggest that the resolution is not substantially overbroad because it is intended to reach only expressive activity unrelated to airport-related purposes. Such a limiting construction, however, is of little assistance in substantially reducing the overbreadth of the resolution. Much nondisruptive speech -- such as the wearing of a T-shirt or button that contains a political message -- may not be "airport related," but is still protected speech even in a nonpublic forum. Moreover, the vagueness of this suggested construction itself presents serious constitutional difficulty. The line between airport-related speech and nonairport-related speech is, at best, murky. The petitioners, for example, suggest that an individual who reads a newspaper or converses with a neighbor at LAX is engaged in permitted "airport-related" activity because reading or conversing permits the traveling public to "pass the time." We presume, however, that petitioners would not so categorize the activities of a member of a religious or political organization who decides to "pass the time" by distributing leaflets to fellow travelers. In essence, the result of this vague limiting construction would be to give LAX officials alone the power to decide in the first instance whether a given activity is airport related. Such a law that "confers on police a virtually unrestrained power to arrest and charge persons with a violation" of the resolution is unconstitutional because "the opportunity for abuse, especially where a statute has received a virtually open-ended interpretation, is self-evident."
We conclude that the resolution is substantially overbroad, and is not fairly subject to a limiting construction. Accordingly, we hold that the resolution violates the First Amendment.

Monday, September 10, 2007

What is the difference between attorney, barrister, lawyer, and solicitor? How about advocate, counsel, counselor, or counselor-at-law?

Lawyer is a general term for a person who gives legal device and aid and who conducts suits in court. An attorney or, more correctly, an attorney-at-law, is a member of the legal profession who represents a client in court when pleading or defending a case. In the US, attorney applies to any lawyer. In the UK, those who practice law are divided into barristers, who represent clients in open court and may appear at the bar, and solicitors, who are permitted to conduct litigation in court but not to plead cases in open court. The barrister does not deal directly with clients but does so through a solicitor. The word attorney comes from French meaning 'one appointed or constituted' and the word's original meaning is of a person acting for another as an agent or deputy. A solicitor would be the UK equivalent of the US attorney-at-law. Counsel usually refers to a body of legal advisers but also pertains to a single legal adviser and is a synonym for advocate, barrister, counselor, and counselor-at-law. As to the abbreviation 'Esq.' for 'Esquire' used by some lawyers ... it has no precise significance in the United States except as sometimes applied to certain public officials, such as justices of the peace. For some reason, lawyers often add it to their surname in written address. However, it is a title that is specifically male with no female equivalent, so its use by lawyers should fade away.

Sunday, August 19, 2007

“The First Thing We Do, Let’s Kill All the Lawyers”

SHAKESPEARE’S TRIBUTE TO TRIAL LAWYERS
The great trial lawyer Daniel Webster said: “Justice is the greatest concern
of man on earth.” There is no greater professional calling than to stand as a
lawyer at the bar of justice and breathe life into the Constitution, the Bill of
Rights, the statutory law and common law by defining, asserting and defending
the rights of citizens. Lawyers play many vital roles on the world’s stage but none
more important than preserving, protecting and perpetuating the rights of citizens,
both individual and business. Since lawyers play such a vital role in our democracy,
why has lawyer-bashing increased exponentially in recent years and how
should we respond to it?
One of the many enigmas to arise out of the corporate dominated decade of
the eighties is the advent of lawyer bashing. The adversaries of our proud and
noble profession continue to misquote the law, distort case results and unjustly
attack judges and juries in a mass media onslaught designed to silence the victim’s
voice - the trial lawyers of America.
Ironically, the rallying cry of the lawyer bashers has become Shakespeare’s
quote from Henry VI: “THE FIRST THING WE DO, LET’S KILLALL THE
LAWYERS.”
Those who use this phrase pejoratively against lawyers are as miserably
misguided about their Shakespeare as they are about the judicial system which
they disdain so freely.
Even a cursory reading of the context in which the lawyer killing statement
is made in King Henry VI, Part II, (Act IV), Scene 2, reveals that Shakespeare
was paying great and deserved homage to our venerable profession as the front
line defenders of democracy.
The accolade is spoken by Dick the Butcher, a follower of anarchist Jack
Cade, whom Shakespeare depicts as “the head of an army of rabble and a demagogue
pandering to the ignorant,” who sought to overthrow the government.
Shakespeare’s acknowledgment that the first thing any potential tyrant must do to
eliminate freedom is to “kill all the lawyers” is, indeed, a classic and welldeserved
compliment to our distinguished profession.
Today’s Jack Cades can readily be found throughout the insurance industry
and in manufacturing, pharmaceutical, and chemical companies. They want to
dismantle the tort system. They want to disrupt the judiciary and abrogate the
common law, to the detriment of the rights of individual citizens, consumers, and
injured persons who deserve competent representation and adequate redress for
harm done to them.
Over the centuries tyrants and demagogues have come in many forms. In
today’s context, it is not the “army of rabble and a demagogue pandering to the
ignorant” who cry for the demise of the lawyers, but rather modern demagogues
who manipulate our governmental institutions to their own ends. Why? Because
trial lawyers are the first line of defense to prevent irresponsible elements within
the insurance, manufacturing, and chemical companies from dismantling the tort
system, disrupting the judiciary and abrogating the common law to the detriment
of the rights of individual citizens, consumers and tort victims.
Doubtless, if Shakespeare could put quill to parchment to script analogous
phrases for modern corporate tyrants, he could couch their refrain thusly:
If America’s democratic institutions of right to trial by jury and
election of judges are to be abolished, first let’s discredit all the
lawyers;
If American citizens’ common law rights to full recovery of legal
damages are to be abrogated for the benefit of profit-motivated
corporations, first let’s defame all the lawyers; and
If America’s judicial system of tort reparations is to be remolded
into a profit mechanism for the insurance industry, first let’s
degrade all the lawyers.
The adversarial nature of the judicial system of which we are an integral
part, dictates that we will never be loved by the public, due to the high level of
misunderstanding of the advocacy system. Our protection of individual rights
often postures us as the foe of government and business with resulting enmity
against us from those quarters. If enduring lawyer bashing is the price we pay for
protecting individual freedoms, then so be it. It is a small price to pay as long as
we do not allow the degrading of lawyers to interfere with the performance of our
professional obligations by poisoning professional pride or reducing the zeal with
which we represent our clients.
One major danger of lawyer-bashing to our profession is the effect which it
can have on us, individually and collectively, as lawyers and as a profession. If
we lose our professional self-respect, America loses far more because our effectiveness
in the democratic process will be damaged.
The seminal point in maintaining our self respect when confronting lawyer
bashing is for those of us in the profession to review our historical precedence in
order to understand the role which our legal ancestors played in establishing and
defending America’s democratic institutions. Through this historical perspective
we can better understand our position as the primary defenders of democracy.
As lawyers, we are the beneficiaries of a rich and unparalleled heritage
from the past, the bearers of a huge mantle of responsibility in the present and the
preservers and protectors of the individual rights of American citizens for the
future. Reduction of that effectiveness is a major goal of our detractors since the
power of the people has always been tied inextricably to the influence of lawyers.
As Alexis de Tocqueville stated in Democracy in America in 1835: “I cannot
believe that a republic could subsist at the present time if the influence of lawyers
in public business did not increase in proportion to the power of the people”.
We are currently engaged in a major power struggle over whether power in
America shall remain with the people, through the exercise of individual freedoms,
or whether power will continue the shift to government, corporations and
the judiciary and away from the people. Therefore, if power is to be transferred
from the people to governments and corporations, it is necessary to reduce the
powers of lawyers. As part of this power struggle we confront an exponential
growth in a well orchestrated regimen of lawyer-bashing which is designed to
silence our voices and reduce our ability to stand between the abuse of governmental
power and the individual, the abuse of corporate power and the individual
and the abuse of judicial power and the individual. The effects of this well
designed and carefully implemented campaign of lawyer bashing resound in the
legislative halls, the jury box and the voting booth. While we are fighting this
battle daily in the legislative halls and our public relations efforts are directed
toward those who occupy the jury box and the voting booth, we must not allow
the lawyer bashing to reduce our own self esteem, either as individual lawyers or
as a profession.
The idea of silencing lawyers in order to destroy individual freedom has
been around for centuries. But it has been raised to a new art form by corporations
without consciences. Heedlessly they compound their wrongs against consumers
and workers with assaults on lawyers and crass distortions aimed at the
mass media. Trial lawyers are the first—and perhaps only—defense against such
perfidy, and history tells us we will prevail.
In seventeenth century England, Oliver Cromwell, in an effort to thwart
individual freedoms, decreed that no more than three barristers could congregate
outside of court. He recognized that the greatest threat to his own tyrannical dictates
was the collective commitment of the London Society of Barristers to the
principles of freedom expressed in the Magna Carta.
In eighteenth century France, the Revolution altered the political face of the
world by moving the focus of government from the rights of royalty, tyrants, and
dictators to the rights of individuals. Three major political principles emerged—
liberty, equality, and fraternity. From these evolved the social and political systems
we know today as democracy, socialism, and communism. Only one of
these, democracy, granted the individual freedoms now under attack. Paradoxically,
the assault on individual rights in the United States is recurring at the same
time that a tidal wave of individual democratic freedom is sweeping through
Eastern Europe. The ascendancy of democratic institutions abroad enjoins us to
guard our own individual freedoms more closely against assault from within.
In twentieth century Europe, Adolf Hitler, the quintessential despot, asserted
“I shall not rest until every German sees that it is a shameful thing to be a
lawyer.” In the entire history of this planet, individual rights were never more
threatened. Hitler ’s mantle of destroying lawyers as a predicate to destroying
rights of individuals is carried forward today by a carefully calculated campaign
of libelous tyranny against lawyers and the rights of American citizens. Hence,
the concept of silencing lawyers by those who seek to subjugate freedom of individuals
has been attempted for centuries but has been successfully resisted in
America by strong willed citizens represented by the legions of lawyers who have
successfully preserved and protected the Constitution and Bill of Rights against
such attacks. After each tyrannical attack, our legal ancestors have emerged like
the Phoenix from the ashes, to redefine individual rights and freedoms. We too
must prevail, because we are right, our cause is just and the perpetuation of freedom
is inextricably interwoven with our continued protection of individual rights.
If tort deformers prevail, American citizens will suffer the ultimate irony as
England has, that at the same time the world is attempting to emulate America
and its democratic institutions, American citizens, in the name of international
business competitiveness and insurance profits, will lose those same institutions
which make us the exemplar of freedom for the world. This must not be allowed
to occur and occur it shall not as long as the legal profession stands guard at the
gates of democracy, accompanied by judges and legislators who respect the cornerstone
of American democracy: the rights of individual citizens.
But, lest our adversaries underestimate us, and we forget our own heritage,
we must all recall that before there was an insurance industry, lawyers were defining
the rights of free citizens under the Magna Carta.
When the Robber Barons of nineteenth-century America sacrificed the lives
of their employees in unsafe workplaces throughout the country, lawyers and
judges in courtrooms across America were breathing life into the Constitution and
gradually and painstakingly protecting, on a case-by-case basis, the individual
rights of American citizens. Therefore, as we carry forward the mantle of responsibility
for protecting those hard-won rights, we must not shirk from the media
and legislative attacks on our noble profession. Just as elements of modern corporate
America perpetuate the principles of its forefathers, the nineteenth-century
Robber Barons, so must we follow our legal ancestors, Jefferson, Madison and
Lincoln, in preserving the freedoms which lawyers have defined and have defended
for centuries.
Both as professionals and as individual attorneys, we must never lose
sight of the respect which we deserve for the role we play in society, a role which
extends far beyond the courtroom. We must bring our individual and collective
talents to bear to defend freedom with pro bono work for the disadvantaged, consumer
protection advocacy for those not yet killed or maimed by defective products,
protection of the civil liberties of every individual whose rights are threatened,
and legislative advocacy, both offensive and defensive in state and federal
legislative halls.
While the insurance industry and other powerful interests aim to discredit
lawyers, only America’s legislators can effectively silence them. Before legislators
silence America’s voices of freedom, intellectual integrity dictates that they
examine the cultures that have no independent lawyers and determine how these
lawyerless societies have fared. Today it is American trial lawyers who are pouring
into the Eastern European countries to spread democracy and establish the
right to trial by jury, ironically a right which is under corporate attack in our own
country.
Since the past is prologue, every trial lawyer should examine the
antecedents of our great profession in order to better understand our role in society
today and our obligations to the citizens of tomorrow.
When we think of those who preceded us in this noble profession, we
become imbued with the spirit, the virtues and the values which we are called
upon to preserve, protect and perpetuate. A review of our antecedents, whether
gestalt or collage, establishes that greatness was the hallmark of our legal ancestors,
and the mantle which they passed is worthy of nothing less than our best
efforts to bear it, in all its glory, improve it with devotion and dedication to its
principles, and pass it to our successors, draped in greater dignity than when we
received it.
Even a cursory review of the vital role that lawyers have played in
America’s history reveals a discernible common thread: our legal predecessors
have steadfastly refused to stand silent in earlier power struggles which threatened
individual liberties, regardless of the enormity or the source of the threat.
The self esteem of our profession increases when we consider who are the
forefathers of today’s American lawyers and how did they respond to attempts to
silence lawyers and thereby stifle individual freedoms:
We see lawyers in the philosophical forefront of our great country: we see
him with quill in hand in Monticello and Philadelphia and in Washington as he
defined in writing the rights of American citizens. His name was Thomas
Jefferson and he was a lawyer.
We see him at that miracle in Philadelphia, the Constitutional Convention
of 1787, fighting for the Bill of Rights which became the credo of American freedom,
and at his desk drafting the Federalist Papers to lead the land he loved in the
right direction, towards individual freedom. His name was James Madison and he
was a lawyer.
We see him addressing the delegates of the Second Virginia Convention,
exhorting the battle cry of the republic, “Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be
purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know
not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me
death!” His name was Patrick Henry and he was a lawyer. Where would
America be today if these lawyers had been successfully silenced?
We see them at the birth of America: defying the tyrannical dictates of King
George III at the risk of their lives as they lead the revolution against the Stamp
Act of 1764; we see twenty-five lawyers among the fifty-six signers of the
Declaration of Independence; we see them drafting the Articles of Confederation
and as leaders of the Constitutional conventions of the new states. Their legions
include John Jay, Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall and they were lawyers.
Where would America be today if these lawyers had been successfully silenced?
We see them occupying the Presidency, leading America through the crucial
formative years of our Republic as thirteen of our first sixteen Presidents from
Washington through Lincoln were lawyers. In addition to Thomas Jefferson and
James Madison, their numbers include such shapers of America’s destiny as John
Adams, James Monroe, John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson. As the fortysecond
President occupies the White House today, he is the twenty-seventh member
of our distinguished profession, which makes it all the more ironic that much
of the recent lawyer bashing emanated directly from the White House.
We see lawyers leading the country in wartime: at Gettysburg with tears in
his eyes rededicating our country to the principles of equal justice for all. His
name was Abraham Lincoln and he was a lawyer.
And speaking to us from his wheelchair, lifting our spirits, making us
stronger with his inspirational philosophy, “The only thing we have to fear is fear
itself.” His name was Franklin Delano Roosevelt and he was a lawyer. Where
would America be today if these lawyers had been successfully silenced?
We see lawyers in the Criminal Courts of twentieth century America: at the
bar of justice from Chicago to Dayton, Tennessee, breathing life into the Constitu
tion and helping define and defend individual rights. His name was Clarence
Darrow and he was a lawyer.
We see lawyers crying out for the civil rights of their black brethren,
demanding equal justice for all: as we see her addressing the Democratic National
Convention as its keynote speaker and capturing the hearts and minds of those
who heard her extolling the virtues of democracy and individual freedom in the
halls of Congress. Her name is Barbara Jordan and she is a lawyer.
And we see him at the Bar of justice of this great land and finally, on our
highest bench, reminding us all that justice is colorblind and that all citizens of
this great country, regardless of race, creed or color, are equal under the law. His
name was Justice Thurgood Marshall and he was a lawyer.
Where would America be today if these lawyers had been successfully
silenced?
We see lawyers in recent years at the helm of the Association of Trial
Lawyers of America: we see him in the courtrooms and classrooms of Connecticut
and at lectern after lectern across the land, lecturing to the lawyers he loved.
His name was Teddy Koskoff and he was a lawyer.
Teddy reminded us that, if you are a lawyer, you stand between the abuse
of governmental power and the individual, the abuse of corporate power and the
individual and the abuse of judicial power and the individual. And if you are a
lawyer, you are helping to preserve the precious freedoms of our past, defending
the individual citizen’s rights today and protecting the rights of America’s citizens
for generations to come.
We see him in the Congressional halls: testifying, cajoling and demanding
that the rights of America’s consumers and citizens not be rent asunder in the
name of corporate profit and political expediency. He is the consummate consumer
advocate, his name is Ralph Nader and he is a lawyer.
We see him at the Southern Poverty Law Center: we see the son of tenant
farmers as he emerges from the cotton fields in rural Alabama to become one of
the great civil rights lawyers in history, confronting death threats to himself and
his family in order to bring the klan, skinheads and other hate groups to the bar of
justice. His name is Morris Dees, he is a lawyer.
We see them at the bar of justice in Texas: representing the halt and the
lame, the widow and the orphan and the catastrophically injured whose future
quality of life rests on their immense skills and unswerving sense of justice. We
listen as they teach us how justice can best be achieved in the face of overwhelming
odds, doing battle with corporate America. We watch in awe as they show us
how David, armed only with a stone of justice, can bring down today’s gargantuan
Goliath, manufacturers of defective and dangerous products. Their numbers
are legion but their names include Scotty Baldwin, Bob Gibbins, Joe Tonahill and
Joe Jamail and they are lawyers. They are our leaders, our friends, and our inspiration
as they remind us of the mantle of responsibility which we carry as lawyers
today. Where would the victims of defective products be if these lawyers had
been successfully silenced?
We see them as women lawyers, inspiring others as role models: in the
courtrooms, leading others through example and exhortation in the battles for
equal justice for all, including women and minorities. As their ranks are constantly
increasing to the great benefit of our profession and those whom we represent,
their leaders include former ATLA President, Roxanne Conlin, and she is a trial
lawyer.
As has been often proven over the centuries, Shakespeare was right: if
tyranny is to prevail, tyrants must first kill all the lawyers. Equally relevant today,
if corporate tyranny is to prevail, corporate tyrants must defame, degrade, and
thereby discredit all the lawyers. Once again, the timeless wisdom of Shakespeare
is proven. He would have made a great trial lawyer.
It will serve us all, legislators, judiciary and lawyers, to recognize that the
ultimate aim of the tort deform movement is the abrogation of those individual
rights and liberties of American citizens, consumers and tort victims which are the
bedrock of American democracy. As Newsweek magazine stated: “The war
against the lawyers is at bottom a camouflaged aggression against the jury system”.
Fortunately, there are multitudes in our society who recognize our role and
respect us for it. As his holiness, Pope John Paul II, stated:
As trial lawyers, you are committed to the resolution of conflicts and the pursuit
of justice through legal and rational means. This work is indispensable to the
construction of a truly humane and harmonious social order, as the centuries old
judicial experience of the West bears eloquent witness.
Therefore, let us never forget the mandate which we assumed upon taking
the oath at the bar of this great country: as long as trial lawyers continue to preserve
the independence of our judges and juries; as long as trial lawyers uphold
by due respect, daily practice and distinguished conduct the dignity of the bench
and bar, and most importantly, as long as trial lawyers continue to vigorously and
unselfishly answer our noble calling of protecting the inalienable rights of tort
victims, abused consumers, and the downtrodden in our society, then the profit
motivated prattlings of that unholy alliance of tort deformers will take their proper
place in the alleyways of anonymity.
The role of each of us is to accept the mantle of those who led us through
example and exhortation in the past, who inspire and imbue us with a sense of our
vital role in society in the present, and to carry the mantle as the men and women
of the American trial bar who, through our daily activities in the courts of this
great land, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and the rights of
America’s citizens for the future.
Our obligation to America is to accept the Bard’s compliment as a challenge
and so conduct ourselves as to assure that, as long as the bench and trial bar
continue to breathe life into the common law and Constitution, those respected
and revered principles upon which our democracy is based shall continue to carry
the indelible imprimatur of the legal profession and be closely guarded by the true
sentinels of freedom, the judiciary and the trial lawyers of America.
I am extremely proud to be a member of this great profession and I urge
each of you to reflect on the mantle of responsibility which we bear, the challenges
we face and the level of complete commitment to individual rights which
has been the hallmark of our profession for centuries. Indeed, we must conduct
ourselves so that for centuries to come the refrain of the tyrants and demagogues
must remain: “the first thing we do, let’s kill all the lawyers.” Thank you, Mr.
Shakespeare, for the compliment. We shall strive to deserve it.
=====================================================
Why did Shakespeare say, "Let's kill all the lawyers"?And what is the relevance for employee benefits law?Here is the context:
CADE: Be brave, for your captain is brave and vows reformation. There shall be in England seven halfpenny loaves sold for a penny, the three-hooped pot shall have ten hoops, and I will make it felony to drink small beer. All the realm shall be in common, and in Cheapside shall my palfrey go to grass. And when I am king, as king I will be—
ALL CADE’S FOLLOWERS: God save your majesty!CADE: I thank you good people!—there shall be no money. All shall eat and drink on my score, and I will apparel them all in one livery that they may agree like brothers and worship me their lord.
DICK THE BUTCHER: The first thing we do let’s kill all the lawyers.
CADE: Nay, that I mean to do. Is this not a lamentable thing that the skin of an innocent lamb should be made parchment? That parchment, being scribbled o’er, should undo a man? Some say the bee stings, but I say ’tis the bee’s wax. For I did but seal once to a thing, and I was never mine own man since.
—Henry VI, Part 2, Act 4, Scene 2
The moral of this for employee benefits professionals? If you are going to make the kind of promises Cade did in your plan documentation, you're going to have trouble with lawyers. The only difference is that now, this will happen whether or not you bother with the sheep and the bees' wax.

Tuesday, July 17, 2007

El Dorado of absolute proof

All exactness is a fake. El Dorado of absolute proof being unattainable, the law accepts for it probability as a working substitute in this work-a-day world. The law does not require the prosecution to prove the impossible. All that it requires is the establishment of such a degree of probability that a prudent man may, on its basis, believe in the existence of the fact in issue. Thus, legal proof is not necessarily perfect proof - often it is nothing more than a prudent man's estimate as to the probabilities of the case.

Tuesday, January 09, 2007

Lawyer - always at work!

Two men were sitting in a corner of a restaurant. To avoid boredom, one of them started a conversation by asking the other, "What do you do?".
The other man replied, "I am a lawyer".
"How much do you charge your clients?"
"I charge 5000 dollars for four questions."
"Isn't that too excessive?"
"Yes, I admit. What is your fourth question?"

Monday, October 16, 2006

What makes a good lawyer great

What Makes a Good Lawyer Great
by: Jim Howard, Licensed Professional CounselorDirector, Missouri Lawyers' Assistance Program

There are many good lawyers in the legal profession. I have had the good fortune to meet many of them. I suppose that any credible definition of a “good lawyer” might include:

Legal and practice skills
Good work ethics
Professional representation
Ethical and professional behavior and
Adequate financial success
So, what makes a good lawyer great? I am not naïve or pompous enough to suggest that I have the answer. One thing that stands out in my mind, however, is that the truly great lawyers are perhaps those who seem to have a “higher purpose” professionally than personal material success. While this may seem obvious to many, perhaps it is lost sight of by some as the legal profession is faced with a lack of public confidence, incivility among many lawyers, and the incredible stress and anxiety experienced by many lawyers.
Just what is the “higher purpose?” Who determines what this higher purpose will be? Do you have a mission as a lawyer that transcends yourself? Of course, only you can answer these questions.
Think of your own personal, professional mission as being the fusion of two parts, your vision and your personal action plan to make this vision come to fruition. Think of your vision as something you want for everyone, and also something that is so universal and big that you will never actually achieve it in your lifetime. For example, your vision may be equal access to justice for all. Your action plan could be to provide legal services on a sliding fee scale. Your mission, therefore, might be to “provide equal access to justice for all by charging a sliding fee scale.” There is no “correct” mission. The point is that, in my judgment, every lawyer should have a professional mission, and it should be larger and beyond personal success.
I suggest that a transcending mission gives you a noble purpose for existing professionally. I offer to you that it is this that elevated you above the mundane, perhaps makes your profession worthy of public support, and makes your community a better place to live in. This is what I think of when considering what makes a good lawyer great. What do you think?

The nature of law

Lawyers are typically interested in the question: What is the law on a particular issue? This is always a local question and answers to it are bound to differ according to the specific jurisdiction in which they are asked. In contrast, the philosophy of law is interested in the general question: What is Law? This general question about the nature of law presupposes that law is a unique social-political phenomenon, with more or less universal characteristics that can be discerned through philosophical analysis. General jurisprudence, as this philosophical inquiry about the nature of law is called, is meant to be universal. It assumes that law possesses certain features, and it possesses them by its very nature, or essence, as law, whenever and wherever it happens to exist. However, even if there are such universal characteristics of law, the reasons for a philosophical interest in elucidating them remain to be explained. First, there is the sheer intellectual interest in understanding such a complex social phenomenon which is, after all, one of the most intricate aspects of human culture. Law, however, is also a normative social practice: it purports to guide human behavior, giving rise to reasons for action. An attempt to explain this normative, reason-giving aspect of law is one of the main challenges of general jurisprudence. These two sources of interest in the nature of law are closely linked. Law is not the only normative domain in our culture; morality, religion, social conventions, etiquette, and so on, also guide human conduct in many ways which are similar to law. Therefore, part of what is involved in the understanding of the nature of law consists in an explanation of how law differs from these similar normative domains, how it interacts with them, and whether its intelligibility depends on such other normative orders, like morality or social conventions.
[from Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy - 1st paragraph]